US, Colombia, Ecuador Boost Military Ties

U.S. Southern Command commander Gen. Francis L. Donovan met with the defense ministers of Colombia and Ecuador in San Lorenzo, Ecuador on Thursday. They agreed on a plan to significantly expand military cooperation along the Ecuador-Colombia border, shifting from episodic missions to sustained combined operations against groups designated as terrorist organizations by Washington.

This development is significant because U.S. military forces are already operating on the ground with Ecuadorian forces in Esmeraldas, though the precise nature of that cooperation is not publicly known. Furthermore, on Aug. 23, Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella announced that all illegal armed and criminal groups would be classified and treated strictly as "terrorists" under a new national security strategy.

The new tripartite framework and broader commitments made at the recent Americas Counter Cartel Coalition in Panama raise a larger question: what types of U.S. military cooperation will occur across the Americas, and under what legal authorities? The framework may see U.S. forces advising foreign militaries, participating in combined operational planning, and supporting or even taking part in combined patrols and lethal strikes inside Ecuadorian and Colombian territory.

Levels of Military Engagement

U.S. military engagement with foreign security forces can be understood as four increasingly consequential forms of involvement, each with unique legal and political requirements.

The first level is training and equipping. The purpose of the Global Train and Equip program is to enhance the capability of partner nations. Legislative authorities like 10 U.S.C. 333 require human rights vetting under the Leahy Laws and training on the law of armed conflict and human rights.

The second, deeper level is advise and assist. Longer-term advisory teams were developed because shorter Mobile Training Teams "did not provide the continuity" needed for strategic goals. The U.S. has previously created two such teams in Latin America: one in El Salvador in 1984 and one in Colombia in 2003. These activities can be conducted under authorities like 10 U.S.C. 321 and 322.

The third level is partner-enabled U.S. operations. Under 10 U.S.C. 127e, the secretary of defense may provide support to foreign forces that facilitate authorized U.S. special operations against terrorism. At this level, foreign forces support a U.S. military operation. However, this statute does not itself authorize introducing U.S. forces into hostilities; a separate Authorization for Use of Military Force is required for that.

The highest level is direct U.S. force operational employment within a foreign country. Such operations may be conducted under Article II of the U.S. Constitution, which, under the War Powers Resolution of 1973, requires congressional notification within 48 hours after forces are employed.

Recent Operations and Notifications

Beginning on March 3, 2026, U.S. and Ecuadorian military forces launched joint operations named "Operation Total Extermination," including a combined strike against Comandos de la Frontera inside Ecuador. On March 9th, the president notified Congress of the operation, "consistent with the War Powers Resolution." The report was made under a provision regarding substantial enlargement of forces already in a foreign country, not the provision regarding introduction of forces into hostilities.

On August 7, 2026, Ecuador’s Ministry of Defense announced Operation "Piraña del Norte," in which Ecuadorian forces, with U.S. support, destroyed a clandestine facility in Esmeraldas. No War Powers Resolution notification specifically addressing that operation has yet been made public.

With Colombia’s entry into the Shield of the Americas and plans to host a coalition intelligence headquarters in Medellin, and Ecuador's expanding partnered operations, security cooperation could span all four levels. This includes combined military operations that may require additional War Powers Resolution notifications to Congress. The question remains whether the administration will continue to rely on presidential war powers or seek congressional authorization for expanding joint operations.